January 2002 -- In recent decades, friends of liberty have celebrated the new economy not only for the tangible benefits it brings but also for its promise of liberation. Technology has dramatically increased the mobility of people, capital, and information, and thus provided them with escape routes from the heavy hand of government. In a global capital market, for example, where a mouse-click can send money across borders in a microsecond, central bankers in Washington, London, Tokyo, and elsewhere can no longer impose onerous controls with impunity.
E-commerce with strong encryption, some have argued, will prove impossible for governments to tax, and the Internet will undermine governments' power to censor information. Some theorists have confidently predicted that the nation-state will become obsolete. How can you rule people and things that won't stay put?
In an ironic parallel, the 1980s and 1990s saw the rise of mobile, stateless aggression. Trade and coercion are opposite modes of human interaction. Yet as global trade expanded, so did the global reach of terrorists, from the Marxist Carlos the Jackal to the Islamic fundamentalist Osama bin Laden. They increased their capacity to kill and destroy by using the same new-economy tools—cell phones, financial networks, cheap travel—that businesses used to create wealth. While financiers were moving capital to countries with the strongest commitment to freedom and the rule of law, terrorists were moving their training camps to the least free, most dictatorial countries. Terrorists formed multinational consortia whose executive and operating units moved fluidly across borders. And they posed a problem for governments whose citizens they harmed: How can you fight a war against an enemy with no address—no capital city, no territory, no army in the field?
That was the question on everyone's mind when President Bush declared war on terrorists after September 11. Now we have the answer. The borders they crossed so fluidly can be patrolled. Their training camps can be bombed. Their cell-phone calls can be intercepted. Their funds can be frozen. And their leaders can be found. To be is to be somewhere, and even if the elusive bin Laden escapes the manhunt in Afghanistan, he and his lieutenants are on the run.
Freedom must still be defended the old-fashioned way: by persuasion, and politics, and eternal vigilance.
By the same token, governments have proven all too capable of controlling speech and commerce when they choose to exert the will. Since September 11, the United States government has sought new controls on banking, airline travel, immigration, and Internet communications--measures that, even if justified, have rightly alarmed friends of liberty. No one is currently arguing that such controls are of no concern because technology will render them unenforceable.
Elsewhere, as Patrick Stephens noted recently in Navigator ("The Internet in Closed Societies ," July-August 2001), authoritarian countries have found ways to censor Internet speech by controlling access-providers. The Associated Press recently reported that Chinese authorities have shut down more than 17,000 Internet bars for failing to block Web sites considered subversive or pornographic, and ordered another 28,000 to install software to block restricted Web sites and keep records of user activities. Like the terrorists, the innocent and productive rely on infrastructure that can be controlled: phone lines, computer networks, Internet access providers, airports.
We can be relieved that the mobility of terrorists has not, after all, made them immune to retaliation. They have not reached escape velocity from the force of government. But neither have those engaged in honest speech and commerce. The ability to flee an oppressive government has always been a bulwark of freedom—but only when there was a freer place to go. That is still true. Cyberspace offers no escape from the necessity of being somewhere—which is to say, within reach of some government. The new economy may swell the tide of freedom where it is already on the rise, but freedom must still be defended the old-fashioned way: by persuasion, and politics, and eternal vigilance.
This article was originally published in the January 2002 issue of Navigator magazine, The Atlas Society precursor to The New Individualist.
David Kelleyは1990年にThe Atlas Societyを設立し、2016年までエグゼクティブ・ディレクターを務めました。また、最高知的責任者として、組織が制作するコンテンツ(記事、ビデオ、会議での講演など)の監督を担当した。2018年にTASを退職したが、現在もTASのプロジェクトに積極的に参加し、評議員会のメンバーも続けている。
ケリーはプロの哲学者であり、教師であり、作家である。1975年にプリンストン大学で哲学の博士号を取得した後、ヴァッサー大学の哲学科に入り、あらゆるレベルの幅広い講義を担当した。また、ブランダイス大学でも哲学を教え、他のキャンパスでも頻繁に講義を行っている。
ケリーの哲学的著作には、倫理学、認識論、政治学の独創的な著作があり、その多くは客観主義の思想を新たな深みと方向性で発展させている。著書に 五感の証拠を、 認識論で論じたものです。 目的論における真理と寛容目的論運動の問題点に関するもの。 無抵抗の個人主義。博愛の利己的根拠そして 推理の極意論理学入門の教科書として広く利用されている『 論理学入門』も第5版となりました。
ケリーは、政治や文化に関する幅広いテーマで講演や出版を行っている。社会問題や公共政策に関する記事は、Harpers、The Sciences、Reason、Harvard Business Review、The Freeman、On Principleなどに掲載されています。1980年代には、Barrons Financial and Business Magazineに 、平等主義、移民、最低賃金法、社会保障などの問題について頻繁に執筆した。
彼の著書 A Life of One's Own:個人の権利と福祉国家福祉国家の道徳的前提を批判し、個人の自律性、責任、尊厳を守る私的な選択肢を擁護するものである。1998年、ジョン・ストッセルのABC/TVスペシャル「Greed」に出演し、資本主義の倫理に関する国民的議論を巻き起こした。
客観主義の専門家として国際的に知られ、アイン・ランドとその思想、作品について広く講演を行っている。の映画化ではコンサルタントを務めた。 アトラス・シュラッグドの編集者であり アトラス・シュラッグド小説、映画、哲学.
"Concepts and Natures:A Commentary onThe Realist Turn(by Douglas B. Rasmussen and Douglas J. Den Uyl)," Reason Papers 42, no.1, (Summer 2021); 近著のレビューで、概念の存在論と認識論への深掘りが含まれています。
知識の基礎」。目的論的認識論に関する6つの講義。
「存在の優位性」「知覚の認識論」(ジェファーソンスクール、サンディエゴ、1985年7月
「普遍と帰納法」GKRH会議(ダラスとアナーバー)での2つの講義(1989年3月
「懐疑論」ヨーク大学(トロント)、1987年
「自由意志の本質」ポートランド・インスティテュートでの2回の講義(1986年10月
「The Party of Modernity, Cato Policy Report, May/June 2003; andNavigator, Nov 2003; プレモダン、モダン(啓蒙主義)、ポストモダンの文化的分裂に関する論文として広く引用されている。
"I Don't Have To"(IOS Journal, Volume 6, Number 1, April 1996) と "I Can and I Will"(The New Individualist, Fall/Winter 2011): 個人として自分の人生をコントロールすることを現実化するためのコンパニオン作品です。